Struggling to Fit: The Case of Saudi-Born Millennial Returnees of Palestinian Origin to Jordan

المؤلفون

  • المؤلف

  • Abdallah S. Abolouz

الكلمات المفتاحية:

Expat Dependent Levy Taxes، Palestinian Community، Saudi Arabia، Jordan، Acculturation، Cultural Identity، Belonging

الملخص

This paper examines the ramifications of the Expat Dependent Levy Taxes (EDLT), implemented by the Saudi government in July 2017, on the Palestinian community in Saudi Arabia. It focuses on Saudi-born millennials of Palestinian origin (SBMPOs) belonging to the second and third generations of families who originally migrated to Saudi Arabia for work. The autoethnographic paper narrates the personal experiences that prompted the forced return of SBMPOs to Jordan following the imposition of EDLT. It further examines their psychological acculturation phases, illustrating the transformations in their cultural identity before and after relocating to Jordan. The paper introduces a novel theoretical framework that conceptualizes acculturation processes as interconnected life stages, with cultural identity as a mirror reflecting these changes. The nuances of this complex and multilayered identity become apparent over time. The paper underscores the profound psychological and cultural repercussions of EDLT on SBMPOs, emphasizing its impact on their sense of belonging after departing from Saudi Arabia.

المراجع

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  4. The national number in Jordan is a 10-digit code given to every citizen who holds Jordanian citizenship, distinguishing Jordanian citizens from others. Palestinians who hold temporary Jordanian documents are not entitled to this number. Thus, this number becomes a marker of Jordanian citizenship, which can only be taken away if the holder is stripped of their citizenship.
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  6. See Appendix (1) for details of the respondents who were interviewed for this study.
  7. Some may have reservations about the sharp divisions of these three cultures due to the linguistic and religious commonalities. Despite the validity of this reservation, these commonalities do not negate the existence of characteristics that distinguish each culture from the other, and I will indicate some of these determinants and characteristics in the course of this study. The clear differences include the organic connection of Palestinian cultural identity to the occupation of their land, to where they are forbidden from returning. The Saudi cultural identity is also linked to the specificities of the Gulf, and both Saudi and Jordanian cultural identities have an intrinsic connection to nomadism as an ultimate reference. For more see: Rashid Khalidi, Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997); Joseph A. Massad, Colonial Effects: The Making of National Identity in Jordan (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001); Al-Rasheed.
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  13. It should be noted here that the nature of indirect coercion does not negate the coerciveness of the displacement of the Palestinians of Saudi Arabia to Jordan. Therefore, coercion, whether direct or indirect, is considered a determinant of forced displacement. Many Palestinians, specifically those I interviewed, did not choose to leave the country voluntarily, but were exposed to structurally violent policies that forced them to make the difficult choice to leave. See: Ali Ali, “Conceptualizing Displacement: The Importance of Coercion,” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies , vol. 49, no. 5 (2023), pp. 1083-1102. Furthermore, much of migration studies literature considers the distinction between the concepts of forced and voluntary migration to be highly ambiguous. The two are closely related, often overlapping in a way that renders the process of distinguishing them difficult. See: Marta Bivand Erdal & Ceri Oeppen, “Forced to Leave? The Discursive and Analytical Significance of Describing Migration as Forced and Voluntary,” in: Francis L. Collins & Jørgen Carling, Aspiration, Desire and the Drivers of Migration (New York: Routledge, 2020), pp. 73-90.
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  31. A newer version of the Niṭāqāt program, under the name “The Updated Niṭāqāt Program”, was introduced after this paper was written, and launched on 13 May 2021. For more on this, see: “al-Dalīl al-Ijrāʾī: Barnāmaj Niṭāqāt al-Muṭawwar, al-Iṣdār 2,” The Ministry of Human Resources and Social Development , accessed on 30/4/2024, at: https://shorturl.at/gTVX8
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  35. The definition of dependent encompasses the “wife or wives (two to four), children, parents, in-laws, and housekeepers”. See: Aarti Nagraj, “Saudi’s Expat Dependent Fee: Everything You Need to Know,” Gulf Business , 6/7/2017, accessed on 30/4/2024, at: https://shorturl.at/hGIU1
  36. Refer to Appendix 2 for more details on the amount that has to be paid by an immigrant family based on the number of dependents for an average non-Saudi family in Saudi Arabia with six dependents (a real average for immigrant families, particularly Palestinians holding Jordanian documents with or without national numbers).
  37. Anwar, Phone Conversation, 2021.
  38. Khalaf, AlShehabi & Hanieh (eds.), pp. 39-56.
  39. A modernized hereditary system, based on social hierarchy, in which patrons use state resources to secure the loyalty of clients rather than the general population.
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  41. Appendix 3 shows two tables that demonstrate how the demographic distribution changed in response to government policies between 2016-2021.
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  43. The Ministry of Human Resources and Social Development (2021) issued some changes on the Kafāla system as a part of the National Program Transformation named the Labor Reform Initiative, which gives relative freedom for the non-Saudi employee in relation to the employ mobility, automatic exist and re-entry visa, and automatic exit visa, without having to take permission from the sponsor. See: “Dalīl al-Mustakhdim li-Khadamāt Mubādarat Taḥsīn al-ʿIlāqa al-Taʿāqudiyya,” The Ministry of Human Resources and Social Development , 14/3/2021, accessed on 30/4/2024, at: https://shorturl.at/ghDR9
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  47. This narrative is frequently recounted by Palestinian elders, asserting that Saudi passports were readily obtainable and extended to them on numerous occasions. However, they declined the offer, steadfast in their belief that Palestine would regain its freedom, and they would eventually return to their homeland. Nevertheless, some Palestinian families opted for naturalization.
  48. The habitual residence is the “country in which a person has established the permanent or habitual center of their interests”. This is usually the country where the person lives or spends most of their time. See: Dietmar Baetge, “Habitual Residence,” Max Planck Encyclopedia of European Private Law , accessed on 14/12/2022, at: https://shorturl.at/uBHY2
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  64. Even Though, there are no official numbers, Palestinians community in Saudi Arabia has decreased heavily and no family members we know do not have a relative who departed from the country.
  65. Nowras, Phone Conversation, 2021.
  66. Berry, “Immigration,” pp. 5-34.
  67. Jalal Al Husseini, “Challenges Facing Jordan’s Labour Market,” in: Myriam Ababsa (ed.), Atlas of Jordan: History, Territories and Society (Beyrouth: Presses de l’Ifpo, 2013).
  68. Take for example the minimum wages for Saudi nationals which is 4,000 SR (1,063.64 USD) and for foreigners 2,500 SR (664.78 USD). See: Valentine Marie, “Average Salaries and Minimum Wage in Saudi Arabia,” Expatica Saudi Arabia , 24/4/2024, accessed on 30/4/2024, at: https://bit.ly/44exuQN The minimum wage for Jordanian citizens in Jordan is JOD 260 (366.56 USD) and JOD 230 (324.27 USD) for foreigners, see: Batool Ghaith, “Minimum Wage Falls Short of Living Costs-Experts,” The Jordan Times , 1/8/2022, accessed on 30/4/2024, at: https://bit.ly/3WcQIV3
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  75. Nowras, Personal Interview, Irbid, 2019.
  76. Nawal, Personal Interview, Irbid, 2020.
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  78. Schwartz, Montgomery & Briones, pp. 1-30.
  79. Siraj, Personal Interview, Irbid, 2019.
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  82. Le Troquer & Al-Oudat, pp. 37-51.
  83. Rothenberg, pp. 237-255.
  84. Le Troquer & Al-Oudat, pp. 37-51.
  85. Marwan, Personal Interview, Irbid, 2019.
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