Sudanese Peace Agreements (1972-2020): The Legacy of State Formation and the Challenges of Sustainability

المؤلفون

  • المؤلف

  • Ahmed Ibrahim Abushouk

الكلمات المفتاحية:

Sudanese Peace Agreements، Legacy of State Formation، Sudan، South Sudan، Darfur

الملخص

This study examines Sudanese peace agreements from 1972 to 2020, analysing the roots of conflict between the political centre and peripheral regions. The analysis draws on the concept of the legacy of state formation, which has cumulatively shaped historical grievances, primarily through political, economic, and cultural marginalization. The study argues that, since the colonial period, central state policies have concentrated development and power in the riverain provinces at the expense of other regions. This situation led to the emergence of grievance-based movements that later evolved into armed insurgency. Although several peace agreements were concluded between the warring parties, most relied on partial sharing of power and wealth while failing to address the fundamental causes of conflict. Further compounding this failure were a lack of trust among factions, foreign mediator intervention, failure to implement commitments, and the use of such agreements to serve short-term political agendas. The study finds that the failure to sustain peace was a direct consequence of persistently ignoring the legacy of state formation and the absence of structural solutions.

المراجع

  1. For more detail, see: Francis M. Deng, War of Visions: Conflict of Identities in Sudan (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1995).
  2. For more detail, see: Ahmed Ibrahim Abushouk, al-Sūdān: al-Ṣulṭa wa-l-Turāth , vol. 6 (Omdurman: Abdulkarim Mirghani Centre, 2018), pp. 181-232.
  3. For more detail, see: Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (New York/London: Verso Books, 1983).
  4. For more detail, see: Muhammad Ibrahim Naqd, ʿAlāqāt al-Riqq fī al-Mujtamaʿ al-Sūdānī: al-Nashʾa, al-Simāt, al-Iḍmiḥlāl (Cairo: Dar al-Thaqafa al-Jadida, 1995); Mansur Khalid, al-Sūdān: Ahwāl al-Ḥarb wa-Ṭumūḥāt al-Salām, Qiṣṣat Baladayn (Khartoum: Dar Madarik, 2008), pp. 77-126.
  5. For more detail, see: Joseph Garang, “al-Ṭarīq al-ʿIlmī li-Ḥall Mushkilat Janūb al-Sūdān,” Majallat al-Taliʿa , no. 9 (September 1969), pp. 92-98.
  6. For more detail, see: Deng.
  7. For more detail on the party lists that took part in the parliamentary elections from 1953 to 1986, see: Ahmed Ibrahim Abushouk & al-Fatih Abdullah Abdulsalam, al-Intikhābāt al-Barlamāniyya fī al-Sūdān (1953-1986): Muqāraba Tārīkhiyya-Taḥlīliyya , 2nd ed. (Doha/Beirut: ACRPS, 2020).
  8. Cited in: Faisal Abdulrahman Ali Taha, al-Sūdān ʿalā Mashārif al-Istiqlāl al-Thānī: 1954-1956 (Omdurman: Abdulkarim Mirghani Centre, 2010), p. 128.
  9. Ibid., pp. 130-132. For more detail on the problem of wages in southern Sudan, see: Abdullah Ali Ibrahim, “Ḥaraka Waṭaniyya Sūdāniyya am Ḥarakāt Waṭaniyya: Tārīkh mā Ahmalahu al-Tārīkh ʿan Janūb al-Sūdān: Ujūr al-Zanj wa-Masʾalat al-Janūb,” in: Infiṣāl Janūb al-Sūdān: al-Makhāṭir wa-l-Furaṣ (Doha: ACRPS, 2012), pp. 113-147.
  10. Cited in: Taha, al-Sūdān ʿalā Mashārif al-Istiqlāl al-Thānī , p. 128.
  11. Ibid., pp. 134-135. Further detail is found in: Salman Muhammad Ahmad Salman, Infiṣāl Janūb al-Sūdān: Dawr wa-Masʾūliyyat al-Quwā al-Siyāsiyya al-Shamāliyya (Fairfax, VA: Center for Sudan Research, 2015), pp. 52-75; Abel Alier, Janūb al-Sūdān: al-Tamādī fī Naqḍ al-Mawāthīq wa-l-ʿUhūd , Bashir Muhammad Said (trans.) (London: Midlight, 1992), pp. 20-22.
  12. For more details on the rebellion and its repercussions, see: Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Disturbances in the Southern Sudan during August 1955 (Khartoum: McCorquodale and Co. Ltd., 1956).
  13. See the summary of the deliberations on self-determination in: Mahmoud Salih Othman Salih (ed.), al-Wathāʾiq al-Biriṭāniyya: 1940-1956, vol. 11, 1955-1956, Faisal Abdulrahman Ali Taha (trans.) (London/Beirut: Riad Al Rayyes Books and Publishing, 2002), pp. 114-117.
  14. For more detail, see: Salman, pp. 52-75.
  15. For more detail, see: Alier, pp. 48-50; Mansur Khalid, Janūb al-Sūdān fī al-Mukhayyala al-ʿArabiyya: al-Ṣūra al-Zāʾifa wa-l-Qamʿ al-Tārīkhī (London: Dar Turath, 2000), pp. 322-323; Mahmud Muhammad Qalandar, Janūb al-Sūdān, Marāḥil Inhiyār al-Thiqa baynihi wa-bayn al-Shamāl (1900-1983): Qirāʾa Tārīkhiyya li-l-Mushkila min Manẓūr al-Ittiṣāl al-Ijtimāʿī (Damascus: Dar al-Fikr, 2004), p. 299; Salman, pp. 166-167. Items in the statement of 9 June 1969 had first been proposed by the Sudanese Communist Party in 1954 and were again included in the party’s programme outlined at its third conference in 1956. See: Taj al-Sir Othman, “al-Dhikhrā 52 li-Bayān 9 Yūnyū 1969,” Centre for Secular Studies and Research in the Arab World, 8/6/2021, accessed on 16/7/2024, at: https://bit.ly/3zI9eeS. The full text of the 9 June 1969 statement is found in: Mudathir Abdulrahim al-Tayyib, Mushkilat Janūb al-Sūdān: Ṭabīʿatuhā wa-Taṭawwuruhā wa-Athar al-Siyāsa al-Biriṭāniyya fī Takwīnihā (Khartoum: al-Dar al-Sudaniyya, 1970), pp. 219-223.
  16. Qalandar, pp. 299-305.
  17. The Addis Ababa Agreement on the Problem of South Sudan consists of three parts. The first, “The Draft Organic Law to Organise Regional Self-Government in the Southern Provinces of the Democratic Republic of Sudan”, was agreed to on 27 February 1972 and enacted by the Sudanese government on 3 March 1972. It contains two appendices, one on fundamental rights and freedoms (A) and the other on revenues and taxes (B). Part two is the ceasefire agreement for the southern regions, while part three is made up of four protocols on interim arrangements: interim administrative arrangements, temporary arrangements for the composition of the units of the people’s armed forces in the southern region, amnesty and judicial arrangements, and the relief and resettlement commission.
  18. Khalid, Janūb al-Sūdān fī al-Mukhayyala al-ʿArabiyya , p. 28.
  19. Article 34 of the Self-Government for the Southern Provinces Act.
  20. For more detail on the causes for the division of the south, see: Alier, pp. 231-244; Salman, pp. 541-594.
  21. The Koka Dam Declaration, signed on 20 March 1986, by the National Alliance and the SPLM, demanded that the government lift the state of emergency, institute a ceasefire, repeal the 1983 Sharia laws, and cancel military agreements with Egypt and Libya. The government rejected these conditions, and the conference subsequently failed. The Sudanese Peace Initiative, signed on 20 November 1988, by Mohamed Osman al-Mirghani, leader of the Democratic Unionist Party, and SPLM leader John Garang enshrined the principles of unity and the supremacy of citizenship over all other bonds. It also provided for the repeal of the 1983 Sharia laws pending a national constitutional conference with the participation of all political, social, and military forces, the cancellation of all military agreements between Sudan and other countries that infringe on national sovereignty, the lifting of the state of emergency, and a ceasefire.
  22. The Sudan’s Khartoum Peace Agreement, 21 April 1997, Chapter One, General Principles, Article 4.
  23. Ibid., Chapter Three, Political Issues, Constitutional and Legal Matters, Religion and State, Article 1.
  24. Ibid., Chapter Six, Security Arrangements during the Interim Period, Article a.
  25. Ibid., Chapter Six, Security Arrangements during the Interim Period, Articles b and c.
  26. Ibid., Chapter Three, Political Issues, Constitutional and Legal Matters, Religion and State, Article 6/A.
  27. Ibid., Chapter Eight, Final Provisions, Article 1.
  28. Cited in: Khalid, al-Sūdān , p. 770.
  29. Negotiations for the CPA were held from May 2002 to December 2004 in Karen, Machakos, Nairobi, Nakuru, Nanyuki, and Naivasha in Kenya, under the auspices of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development and the Kenyan government. The two parties signed the agreement in Nairobi on 9 January 2005.
  30. CPA, Chapter I, Part B, State and Religion.
  31. Ibid., Chapter I, Part B, State and Religion, Articles 6.2 and 6.3.
  32. Ibid., Chapter II, Power Sharing, Part II, Articles 2.6.2.1 and 2.6.2.2.
  33. Ibid., Chapter II, Power Sharing, Part II, Articles 2.8.1-2.8.5.
  34. Ibid., Chapter I, Part C, National Government, Articles 3.2.2-3.2.4.
  35. Ibid., Chapter I, The Right to Self-Determination for the People of South Sudan, Articles 1.3-2.5.
  36. For more detail on the history of armed movements in Darfur, see: Muhammad al-Amin Khalifa, “al-Ḥarakāt al-Musallaḥa fī Dārfūr: al-Tarkība wa-l-Adwār,” in: Abdelwahab El-Affendi & Sidi Ahmed Ould Ahmed Salem (eds.), Dārfūr: Ḥaṣād al-Azma baʿd ʿAqd min al-Zamān (Doha: Al Jazeera Centre for Studies, 2013), pp. 105-136.
  37. “Taqrīr Lajnat Mawlānā Dafaʿ Allāh al-Ḥājj Yūsuf ḥawl Taqaṣṣī al-Ḥaqāʾiq bi-Dārfūr,” Mawsuʿat al-Tawthiq al-Shamil , 30/8/2009, accessed on 12/10/2010, at https://bit.ly/3eDwDzx
  38. The Free Lions, founded and led by Mabrouk Mubarak Salim, was an armed organization that emerged in eastern Sudan among the Rashaida tribe, with the support of the Eritrean government, in 1999.
  39. “Mutamarridūn Sābiqūn fī Sharq al-Sūdān Yuhaddidūn bi-l-Insiḥāb min al-Sulṭa,” Elaph , 1/9/2012, accessed on 8/4/2023, at: https://bit.ly/419QltJ
  40. For more detail, see: Juba Agreement for Peace in Sudan between the Transitional Government of Sudan and the Parties to Peace Process , Juba, 2020.
  41. Adam Muhammad Ahmad Abdullah, “Taqyīm Ittifāqiyyāt al-Salām fī al-Sūdān: Awjuh al-Najāḥ wa-l-Fashal,” Majallat al-Sudan , no. 7 (2016), p. 112.
  42. Ahmad Amal Muhammad, “Taqāsum al-Sulṭa al-Shāmil wa-Atharuhu ʿalā al-Intiqāl al-Siyāsī fī al-Sūdān,” Majallat Kulliyat al-Siyasa wa-l-Iqtisad , vol. 15, no. 14 (April 2022), p. 526.
  43. For more detail, see: Arend Lijphart, Democracies: Patterns of Majoritarian and Consensus Government in Twenty-One Countries (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984).
  44. Alier, pp. 190-193.
  45. Khalid, al-Sūdān , p. 11. Khalid’s conclusions correspond to those of Muhammad Abulqasim Hajj Hamad: “Only one identity in Sudan exhibits the attributes of nationalism, and that is Arabism; all else is tribal elements. And only one religion exhibits the attributes of a universal religion, and that is Islam; all else is collections of beliefs bound to the fabric of customs and traditions specific to tribal contexts and not open to engagement with others”. See: Muhammad Abulqasim Hajj Hamad, “al-Sūdān baʿd ʿAshr Sanawāt ʿalā Thawrat al-Inqādh: Masʾalat al-Huwiyya. Hal Hunāk Ittifāq ʿalā al-Huwiyya fī al-Sūdān?” al-Hayat , 11/6/1999.
  46. For more detail on the 1972 act, see: Faisal Abdulrahman Ali Taha, Masʾalat Janūb al-Sūdān fī Siyāq Tārīkhī, 1899-1986 (Omdurman: Abdulkarim Mirghani Centre, 2012), pp. 151-158.
  47. Khalid, al-Sūdān , p. 323.
  48. Ibid.; Abdulrahman Abdullah, al-Sūdān: al-Wiḥda wa-l-Tamazzuq , al-Fatih al-Tijani (trans.) (Beirut: Riad Al Rayyes, 2002), pp. 164-166.
  49. Khalid, al-Sūdān , pp. 325-328.
  50. IGADD was created in 1986 to combat drought and desertification. In 1996, the heads of member states met in Nairobi and agreed to amend the organization’s charter and change its name to the Intergovernmental Authority on Development. Today its membership includes eight states: Djibouti, Sudan, South Sudan, Somalia, Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia, and Eritrea.
  51. For more detail, see: Francis M. Deng & J. Stephen Morrison, U.S. Policy to End Sudan’s War: Report of the CSIS Task Force on U.S.-Sudan Policy , Center for Strategic and International Studies (Washington: 1/2/2001).
  52. Public Law 107-245-Oct. 21, 2002, 107th Congress, Section 2, 16 and 16/A, accessed on 13/4/2026, at: https://acr.ps/hBy2sid
  53. The agreement was witnessed by Mwai Kibaki, president of Kenya, on behalf of IGAD; Yoweri Museveni, president of Uganda, on behalf of IGAD member states; Ahmed Aboul Gheit, Egyptian foreign minister, on behalf of Egypt; Senator Alfredo Mantica, deputy foreign minister, on behalf of Italy and the IGAD Partners Forum; Fred Racke, special envoy of the Netherlands, on behalf of the Netherlands; Hilde F. Johnson, minister of international development, on behalf of Norway; MP Hilary Benn, secretary of state for international development, on behalf of the UK; Colin Powell, secretary of state, on behalf of the US; Alpha Oumar Konare, chair of the AU, on behalf of the AU; Charles Goerens, minister of development cooperation, on behalf of the EU; Hilde Johnson, minister of international development, on behalf of the IGAD Partners Forum; Amre Moussa, secretary-general of the League of Arab States, on behalf of the league; and Jan Pronk, special representative of the secretary-general in the Sudan, on behalf of the UN.
  54. For more detail on these and similar issues, see: Ahmed Ibrahim Abushouk, al-Intikhābāt al-Qawmiyya fī al-Sūdān li-Sanat 2010: Muqāraba Taḥlīliyya fī Muqaddimātihā wa-Natāʾijihā (Doha: Al Jazeera Centre for Studies; Beirut: al-Dar al-Arabiyya li-l-Ulum Nashirun, 2012).
  55. For more detail on the problem of the south and its ramifications, see: Salman, pp. 15-20.
  56. Salini Muhammad al-Saghir, “Ḥall al-Nizāʿāt al-Dawliyya bi-l-Ṭuruq al-Silmiyya: al-Mufāwaḍāt Namūdhajan,” Majallat al-Dirasat wa-l- Buhuth al-Qanuniyya , vol. 5, no. 2 (2020), p. 135.
  57. Abdelwahab El-Affendi, Azmat Dārfūr: Naẓra fī al-Judhūr wa-l-Ḥulūl al-Mumkina (Abu Dhabi: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research, 2009), pp. 76-77; Bilqis Badri, “Ittifāqiyyat Salām Dārfūr: al-Juhūd wa-Taḥaddiyāt al-Taṭbīq,” in: El-Affendi & Salem (eds.), pp. 310-311.
  58. El-Affendi, Azmat Dārfūr , pp. 76-77; al-Saghir, pp. 135-137.
  59. The AU mission in Darfur was created pursuant to UN Security Council Resolution 1564 of 18 September 2004, which defined its mission as disarming armed militias in Sudan. Paragraph 4 of the resolution “Calls upon the Government of Sudan and the rebel groups, particularly the Justice and Equality Movement and the Sudanese Liberation Army/Movement, to work together under the auspices of the African Union to reach a political solution in the negotiations currently being held in Abuja under the leadership of President Obasanjo, notes the progress made to date, urges the parties to the negotiations to sign and implement the humanitarian agreement immediately, and to conclude a protocol on security issues as soon as possible, and underscores and supports the role of the African Union in monitoring the implementation of all such agreements reached”. United Nations Security Council, “Resolution 1564 (2004) Adopted by the Security Council at Its 5040th Meeting, on 18 September 2004,” S/RES/1564 (2004), 18/9/2004, accessed on 6/4/2023, at: https://acr.ps/hBy2syO
  60. The cooperation between the UN and AU missions is based on UN Security Council Resolution 1706 of 31 August 2006, which defined its mission as disarming armed militias in Sudan. Paragraph 5 of the resolution “Requests the Secretary-General to consult jointly with the African Union, in close and continuing consultation with the parties to the Darfur Peace Agreement, including the Government of National Unity, on a plan and timetable for transition from AMIS to a United Nations operation in Darfur; decides that those elements outlined in paragraphs 40 to 58 of the Secretary- General’s report of 28 July 2006 shall begin to be deployed no later than 1 October 2006, that thereafter as part of the process of transition to a United Nations operation additional capabilities shall be deployed as soon as feasible and that UNMIS shall take over from AMIS responsibility for supporting the implementation of the Darfur Peace Agreement upon the expiration of AMIS’ mandate but in any event no later than 31 December 2006”. For more detail, see: United Nations Security Council, “Resolution 1706 (2006) Adopted by the Security Council at Its 5519th Meeting, on 31 August 2006,” S/ RES/1706 (2006), 31/8/2006, accessed on 6/4/2023, at: https://acr.ps/hBy2sPp
  61. For more detail, see: United Nations Security Council, “Resolution 1769 (2007) Adopted by the Security Council at Its 5727th Meeting, on 31 July 2007,” S/RES/1769 (2007), 31/7/2007, accessed on 6/4/2023, at: https://acr.ps/hBy2t60
  62. Alex de Waal, “al-Dawr al-Iqlīmī fī al-Azma: Ibtikārāt Khallāqa wa-Sirāʿāt Muʿaṭṭala,” in: El-Affendi & Salem (eds.), p. 319.
  63. “ʿAbdulwāḥid Yaʿtarif bi-Ziyārat Isrāʾīl wa-Yuhājim Ittifāq Dārfūr bi-l-Dawḥa,” Al Jazeera , 18/2/2009, accessed on 8/4/2023, at: https://bit.ly/3KJjtCI. For more detail, see: al-Fatih al-Amin al-Zaki, “al-Wasāṭa al-Qaṭariyya fī al-Istiqrār al-Siyāsī li-Iqlīm Dārfūr (2008-2014),” PhD diss., Omdurman Islamic University, 2018, p. 195.
  64. “Tawqīʿ Ittifāq Salām Dārfūr bi-l-Dawḥa,” Al Jazeera , 24/2/2009, accessed on 8/4/2023, at: https://bit.ly/40QrJqg
  65. For more detail, see the text of: Eastern Sudan Peace Agreemen t, Asmara, 14/10/2006, pp. 66-72.
  66. For more detail, see: Eastern Sudan Peace Agreement , Appendix G: Implementation of Tripoli Agreement Signed between the Sudanese Government and the Free Lions Movement in 14/06/2000, Tripoli 24-25/12/2005, pp. 73-83.
  67. “Bayān Tawḍīḥī min Qiyādat Jabhat Sharq al-Sūdān 27/12/2005,” Sudanese Online , 27/12/2005, accessed o 31/7/2024, at: https://bit.ly/3yw4N6u
  68. “Mutamarridūn Sābiqūn fī Sharq al-Sūdān Yuhaddidūn bi-l-Insiḥāb min al-Sulṭa.”
  69. Led by al-Hadi Idris Yahya, the Revolutionary Front consists of: the Sudan Liberation Movement – Transitional Council (al-Hadi Idris Yahya); JEM (Jibril Ibrahim;) SPLM (Malik Agar Eyre); Sudan Liberation Army (Minni Minnawi); Beja Congress (Osama Saeed); United Popular Front for Liberation and Justice (al-Amin Daoud Mahmoud); Kush Liberation Movement (Mohamed Daoud Mohamed); Democratic Unionist Party (al-Tom Hajo); and Sudan Liberation Forces Alliance (al-Taher Abu Bakr Hajar).
  70. The Self-Government Statute, Chapter II. Fundamental Rights, Right to Freedom and Equality, Article 5. See in: Fadwa Abdulrahman Ali Taha, Kayf Nāl al-Sūdān Istiqlālahu: Dirāsa Tārīkhiyya li-Ittifāqiyyat 12 Fibrāyir al-Miṣriyya-al-Biriṭāniyya ḥawl al-Ḥukm al-Dhātī wa-Taqrīr al-Maṣīr li- l-Sūdān , 2nd ed. (Omdurman: Abdulkarim Mirghani Centre, 2008), p. 410.
  71. See: Ahmad al-Mubarak Muhammad Ahmad, “Ittifāqiyyāt al-Salām al-Sūdāniyya, Adīs Abābā – al-Kharṭūm li-l-Salām: Dirāsa Muqārana,” Masters thesis, Faculty of Commerce, al-Neelain University, 2002, p. 6.
  72. Permanent Constitution of the Sudan , 1973, Article 16(d).
  73. CPA , Chapter I, Part B, State and Religion.
  74. Interim National Constitution of the Republic of the Sudan , 2005, Part One, Chapter I, 7(1).
  75. Eastern Sudan Peace Agreement , Chapter One, Article 1(2-3).
  76. Doha Document for Peace in Darfur , Chapter I, Article 1/3.
  77. This text is taken from the 2019 constitution, Chapter 1, Article 4, Nature of the State, paragraph 1.
  78. Abdulatif al-Buni, Dustūr al-Sūdān ʿAlmānī am Islāmī? (Khartoum: Maktabat Ibn Rushd, 1998), p. 14.
  79. Abdullah Ahmad al-Naim, al-Islām wa-ʿAlmāniyyat al-Dawla (Cairo: Dar Merit, 2010), p. 368.
  80. Permanent Constitution of the Sudan , Articles 9 and 16.
  81. Cited in: Mansur Khalid, al-Nukhba al-Sūdāniyya wa-Idmān al-Fashal (Cairo: Matabiʿ Sijjil al-Arabi, 1993), p. 507. Jaafar Muhammad Ali Bakhit (1930-1976) was a university professor and political activist. He received his PhD in political science from Cambridge University and taught in the political science department at Khartoum University. He joined the May government after the July 1971 coup, assuming the post of minister of local government. He was also a negotiator in the Addis Ababa Agreement of 1972 and a consultant on the 1973 constitution. He was further a leading member of parliament, overseeing deliberations on draft constitution. His book, al-Idāra al-Biritāniyya wa-l-Ḥaraka al-Waṭaniyya al-Sūdāniyya (1919-1939) [The British Administration and the Sudanese National Movement (1919-1939)], a translation of his doctoral thesis, is an important reference for Sudanese studies.
  82. Muhammad Ibrahim Khalil, Limādhā Infaṣal Janūb al-Sūdān? Othman al-Nusayri (trans.) (Khartoum: Dar Madarik, 2021), p. 198.
  83. Interim National Constitution , Part One, Chapter I, Article 5(1-2).
  84. Juba Peace Agreement , Title 1, Article 1.7.
  85. Abdelkhalig Shaib, “Sudan: Have the Juba and Addis Ababa Agreements Untangled the Dichotomy between Religion and the State?” Arab Reform Initiative, 15/12/2020, accessed on 16/5/2024, at: https://acr.ps/hBy2six. For more detail on religion and secularism, see: Azmi Bishara, al-Dīn wa-l-ʿAlmānīya fī Siyāq Tārīkhī , part 1: al-Dīn wa-l-Tadayyun (Doha/Beirut: ACRPS, 2013).
  86. For more detail on the relationship between religion and the state in Sudan, see: Jamal Abdulrahim Salih, al-Dīn wa-l-Dawla: Mashrūʿ Ruʾya li-Fakk al-Ishtibāk (Khartoum: Dar al-Musawwarat, 2021).
  87. Permanent Constitution of the Sudan , Part I, Articles 1 and 4.
  88. CPA , Chapter I, Part A, Article 1.5.1.
  89. For more detail, see: Abushouk, al-Intikhābāt al-Qawmiyya fī al-Sūdān li-Sanat 2010 , pp. 43-52.
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